There is little doubt that the 78-day NATO air campaign against Serbia in March-June 1999, dubbed Operation Allied Force, will remain highly controversial for a long time. NATO launched a limited war against Serbia in order to stop the vicious on-going ethnic cleansing campaign in the province of Kosovo and although ultimately Serb President Milosevic "blinked," it was an inelegant victory. Yet the victory was hardly inevitable and until the final weeks the air campaign appeared to be ineffective in bending Milosevic to meet NATO's demands. In NATO's Air War for Kosovo, RAND analyst Benjamin S. Lambeth has written an incisive strategic assessment of the air campaign as part of a US Air Force research project on the operation. Rather than a detailed, blow-by-blow account of the air war, Lambeth offers detailed analysis on the major achievements and problems in Allied Force. While other more detailed books will surely follow on the Kosovo War, Lambeth's volume will certainly be a good place to start in understanding this complex operation.

NATO's Air War for Kosovo consists of eight chapters, beginning with two brief chapters that outline events leading up to the air campaign. The air campaign itself is covered a chapter 3, a 50-page summary that covers the main events of NATO air operations but does not provide a day-by-day account. The fourth chapter addresses the possible reasons for the Serb capitulation and stresses that it was not just the air campaign in isolation that prompted this outcome. The fifth chapter covers the three main unique accomplishments of the war: combat debut of the B-2, UAV employment and increased contributions from space-based resources to combat operations. However the heart of this book lies in chapters 6-7, which address friction and operational problems and lapses in strategy and implementation. It is in these 118 pages - 47% of the book - that Lambeth lays out his most significant assessments of the war. Readers will note in the bibliography that Lambeth's source-material derives from two primary venues: contemporary newspaper accounts and post-war interviews with participants.

While Operation Allied Force was deemed a victory, it was a disappointing campaign from the military perspective. As Lambeth notes, "notwithstanding its ultimate success, what began as a hopeful gambit for producing Milosevic's quick compliance soon developed, for a time at least, into a seemingly ineffectual bombing experiment with no clear end in sight..." and, "NATO's air war for Kosovo [was] a step backward in efficiency when compared to the Desert Storm campaign." Lambeth lays out the military frustrations of Allied Force in clinical detail, beginning with the inability of the SEAD (Suppression of Enemy Air Defenses) operations to completely shutdown the resilient Serb mobile SAM batteries. The problems with "flex targeting" also prevented the air campaign from seriously hurting the Serb army in Kosovo or even interfering with the ongoing ethnic cleansing. So many other problems surfaced, including the Chinese Embassy bombing, airspace management congestion, interoperability problems with NATO, collateral damage and the Task Force Hawk fiasco that it almost seems amazing that NATO actually won. In terms of strategic lapses, Lambeth particularly hammers on President Clinton's decision to remove the ground option a priori as reducing NATO's threats to a single dimension. This threat was then further diminished by the assumption that Milosevic would fold after a token 3-4 days of bombing and the adoption of a small-scale escalation model for the bombing campaign. When the token bombing didn't work, NATO was forced to rethink its strategy and opted for ad hoc targeting, which was hindered by overly complicated NATO planning procedures and bad weather. Instead of taking down entire systems in Serbia - like air defense and electrical power - as the airpower enthusiasts advocated, the air campaign instead developed as a muddled, escalatory series of poorly-coordinated raids. In the end, Lambeth concludes that it was the inability of the Serb air defenses to shoot-down a significant number of NATO aircraft and the gradual destruction of Serbia's economic-industrial infrastructure that were probably the air campaign's greatest contribution to Milosevic's decision to agree to NATO demands. However, Lambeth is quick to note that the Russian abandonment of Milosevic, diplomatic isolation and the threat of eventual NATO ground operations also had a major impact on the Serb leader's decision. Milosevic's decision to escalate the ethnic cleansing campaign in Kosovo was also a major strategic blunder that partly counter-acted NATO mistakes; Serb atrocities only served to harden NATO resolve for victory.

There are a few areas where Lambeth treads too lightly. In terms of accomplishments, American Combat Search and Rescue (CSAR) capabilities were impressively displayed in Operation Allied Force. Including Scott O'Grady's F-16 shot down earlier, American CSAR capabilities are 3 for 3 in the Balkans, which improves the morale of US pilots and hurts the morale of the enemy. Lambeth also fails to provide any real overall assessment of the damage done to Serbia by airpower in Allied Force, nor even a summary of the major infrastructure targets that were affected. Finally, while Lambeth mentions the strikes on the Belgrade TV station on 21 April 1999, he fails to put this raid in moral context. Inadvertent collateral damage is a painful but unavoidable fact or warfare - as Lambeth notes - but deliberate targeting of a civilian facility is another matter. The Laws of Warfare, which the United States adheres to explicitly prohibit attacks directed against civilians and/or attacks that serve no military purpose. While the TV station was a conduit for Milosevic's propaganda, this did not make it a legitimate military target. Therefore, the order to attack the TV station was both immoral and illegal and the US military leaders who carried it out could someday be liable before an international tribunal. Given the large numbers of targets that were "scrubbed" during the campaign for weather or collateral damage reasons, it is amazing that this attack was carried out in downtown Belgrade.

I was very impressed with this book. I have read a number of books on this operation and the book I thought would be the best overall review was the book written by General Clark. Unfortunately, for me that book did not provide much detail on the actual working of the operation. He focused on the political side of the air war and what it took to get the NATO members to play nice with each other. I came away from his book with some details, but a bit disappointed. This book on the other hand was exactly what I wanted. I always love it when I pick up a book and it turns out to completely exceed my expectations. It's like getting a great surprise gift.

This book had it all, a good overview of the lead up to the NATO action, a solid review of the weapon systems that were used, when they were used and how they were used, coverage of the operational issues and a good overall political review. I truly think that if you are looking for the one volume book that covers the war from the NATO point of view then this is the one. The book also did a good job in covering the effectiveness of the overall campaign and the working relationship of NATO. The authors did not present it as all success and good feeling, but the true problems that came out of any operation of this size with this many chiefs. He authors do a good job of presenting the difficulties of working on an operation with so many people that have to agree and showing that this organizational structure did more for the Serbian's then anyone else. Overall I thought this was a great book.

This book is a must read for anyone interested in the role and efficacy of air power. This account is well-balanced giving the story from the pro air power and anti airpower views. It also answers the nagging questions you may have had after reading the incredibly uninformative and shallow accounts in the press. The book posits the reasons. An example -- the book provides the reasons for the need for a credible ground threat for airpower to be effective. Books such as Bombing to Win only state the need. Detailed, nuanced and spot-on accurate.

The Conquest of Constantinople Robert of Clari Trans. Edgar Holmes McNeal

Robert of Clari's The Conquest of Constantinople as a chronicle of the fourth crusade presents an interesting perspective to the modern reader of the men who were responsible for the sack of Constantinople in 11th century Clari's account gives us a view of events taken from a different angle than that with which we are most familiar in a variety of ways. First, and perhaps most valuable to a broader view of history is Clari's position as a lesser knight. He is neither a leader of the events at hand nor a heroic or active individual involved with them. Clari is instead a follower, who's brother, a cleric displays more of the cinematic bravery that the present day appreciates. Clari's view however is valuable for this very reason. He is not wraped up in the glorification or even the justification of the seemingly random sacking of Constantinople in the name of the cause of saving the Holy Land. Rather, Clari's account concentrates more one revealing the events that led up to that point, his text covers the facts of the journey to the Holy Land and takes stock of the hardships that the crusaders had to overcome - the finegaling in Italy over ships ( the sack or near sack of Venice), the general headaches caused by dealing with Doge. The Excommunication of the entire body of the Crusaders, hunger, battle, and other terrors. Clari's account is also reflective of the mindset of the crusader involved in the greatest journey of his generation. We are provided through his account with pictorial desciptions of the sights and sounds of Constantinople, one of the greatest cities on Earth at the time. His recollections of the things that he saw while he was there give the impression that even long after his return from the East, this was the greatest event of his life. It probably, we can assume from the lists of the treasures he brought back and enterred in the Church, provided him with some degree of added status, to have made the journey of a thousand miles, and returned enriched. Clari account also stands to represent as McNeals' brief history of the chronicle points out, the accidental nature of the survival of this manuscript. That such an account was nearly lost through desintigration and age make it important that the most is made from what we are provided with in this chronicle, and was deemed only just

barely important enough to be copied out. Clari's words ar important because he chose to have them set down. Obviously he felt that the events of his time on Crusade was important enough to be put down on paper, and as probably the high point of his life shows the prominence of the Crusading ideal in the mind of the middle ages. A good first hand account for anyone interested in studying the fourth crusade.

In the year 1204 the Crusaders launched their fourth expedition to the Holy Land. The Crusaders never made it that far, instead, turning towards Constantinople and sacking the capital of the Byzantine Empire. This tramatic event sealed the rift between the Eastern and Western churches, as well as forever tainting relations between Venitians and Greeks which would later prove critical in 1453.

Hitherto, the only primary source that I had consulted for information on 1204 is that of Niketas Choniates (O City of Byzantium). He was a Greek present during the siege of 1204. His history begins in 1118 (where Anna Comnena leaves off) and goes through 1208. However, his chapters on the siege itself are outstanding in their descriptions of the destruction that ensued once the Crusaders had taken the city. The most well known Western history of 1204 is by Geoffrey of Villehardouin. As for Robert of Clari, he was but a humble knight who otherwise is obscure to history. His history should not be taken lightly however. His descriptions are often just as vivid as Choniates', and remarkably honost. However, as one might expect, he is unfair in his treatment of the Greeks.

If you are interested at all in Byzantian History, or the Crusades in general, this is a must read. It is a fresh perspective on a often overlooked event.

matt

A few years ago I became interested in the difficulties in the former Yugoslavia--now Croatia, Bosnia, Serbia, and a few other entities. After reading a number of contemporary works about the causes of past and current conflicts in the Balkans, I decided none of the authors agreed on every point or many points for that matter, and most seemed a bit biased in their reporting and interpretation of events, probably owing to their inability to attend to the terrible events of the last century and not choose sides.

THE EARLY MEDIEVAL BALKANS is the most objective work available about what really happened all those years ago when the Byzantine Empire ruled what is now known as the Balkans, and Serbs, Croatians, Ottoman Turks, and others migrated and/or invaded and settled the area the Italian Romans called Illyria.

The book is part of a two-part work covering the Middle Ages in the Balkans. Part I THE EARLY MEDIEVAL BALKANS includes a critical survey of the area from the Sixth to the late Twelfth Century. Part II THE LATE MEDIEVAL BALKANS covers the period from the late Twelfth Century until the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks in the 14th Century. Fine was a Professor of History at the University of Michigan for a number of years, and his work is incredibly scholarly. He has been considered the leading expert in the world on this topic by his colleagues.

I came away from the work with two impressions. The first is that the various ethnic groups who inhabited or invaded the Balkans (and there were so many one loses count after awhile as they migrate or remigrate over and over) were so thoroughly mixed during the Middle Ages that the indigenous tribe, whatever that was, must have disappeared thousands of years ago. The second fact I deduced from Dr. Fine's work is that most if not all the animosity between groups today probably has a basis in religious conflict. Given that the three major religions involved -- Roman Catholic, Orthodox Serb, and Muslim advocate love as an organizing principle, one has to wonder what went wrong.

I gave this book 4 stars because it is difficult to read. For a more "fun" read try the series on Byzantium by J.J.Norwich.

I am from Bosnia, of mixed ethnic origins, and after 7 years of exile, I had only faint memories of the history classes dedicated to the Middle Ages (in the 6th grade). This book refreshed my memory, brought a part my past back to me, and helped clear up some misconceptions. It makes me very happy to own it!

This is a very informative book on the history of the Balkan countries, including Greece, Bulgaria, the Ottoman Empire, Rumania, Hungary, Yugoslavia, and Albania. The book reads like a college course in History: I even took notes on it so that I could remain organized. If you are looking for a book that reads easily, and will be informative as well as fun, this is probably not the book for you. However, if your goal is to learn about this diverse and troubled region of the world, and you have the patience and thirst for knowledge of a scholar, this would be right up your alley.

I read this book as after reading "Short History of Byzantium" and "Ottoman Centuries." My biggest concern in choosing from the available material was finding a subjective history that wasn't influenced by the events of the past decade or even, if possible, the cold war. The market has been flooded in recent years with books attempting to "explain" current events in Serbia, et al.

I found what I was looking for in this book. Published ~1920, the author's language can come across archaic at times, but is not difficult to read. He has a dry wit and insight which shines through, making it quite enjoyable.

Although he pays passing tribute to the Greeks, the primary focus on the region's history begins with the Byzantine empire, followed by Ottoman, which was still in the process of finding it's present day role in the world as the Republic of Turkey at the time this book was published.

High marks go to Schevill for his ability to interweave European politics and their impact on the region (Russia's desire for control of the Balkans from the time of Peter the Great forward; Napoleon's brief alliance with Russia for the same purpose; Austria's on-going alliance with Hungary)

This is history at its finest - a must read for anyone with more that a passing interest in the subject.

Jelavich clearly knows her stuff, and this (and its successor volume) serve as an excellent general study. However, the writing style is very dry and can be difficult and a little boring to read. Further, the work is a bit dated, neglecting all of the extraordinary events after the mid-80s. The bibliography is very good, though keep in mind obviously no recent works are there. Citations are a bit sparse, making it difficult to pursue a line of thought further.

This is overall a good book, but readers interested in first learning this subject absolutely should start with Stavrianos' "The Balkans since 1453." It's even more dated, but is unbeatable as a general study on the region up to about 1950.

Although published in the late 1980s with no updated editions in later years, Jelavich's masterful "History of the Balkans" is still by far the best introduction to contemporary Balkan history. This first volume traces the developments among the various Balkan peoples as they moved into modernity and formed independent nation states. Jelavich begins with a short and very informative introduction to Balkan history up to the end of the 17th century, i.e. the time when Ottoman power in the region seriously began to wane and the role of the Habsburg Monarchy and Russia (and later all of the major European powers) in the region became crucial. The author focuses mostly on the Ottoman Empire and the Balkan nationalities under Ottoman rule, the Bulgarians, Greeks, Romanians and Serbs, and the Albanians to a lesser extent, as it was among these people that the first revolts occurred and the first nation states were formed in the Balkans. Even so, Jelavich provides excellent analysis of the main currents in the Habsburg Monarchy's Balkan possessions, mainly the Croatian lands but also Vojvodina and Transylvania with their large Serbian and Romanian populations. Perhaps the main thing that comes out of this volume is that Ottoman rule in the Balkans was not as oppressive as it was often later portrayed (i.e. the notorious "Turkish yoke" of national(ist) historiography in the Balkans). It was in fact this empire's decentralized governing institutions, tolerance of non-Islamic religious communities, and general inefficiency that made possible a great deal of local autonomy among the Balkan peoples and proved conducive to the nationalist uprisings of the 19th century. Also important is Jelavich's repeated emphasis on the region's general poverty. Throughout the period this book covers, the vast majority of the Balkan people were peasants who often lived at subsistence levels. This factor was crucial in shaping the region's history. This book contains both detailed accounts of the major events in Balkan history during the period it covers as well as strong analysis of the underlying social and political processes. It therefore provides a strong basis for understanding Balkan history, and greatly helps in comprehending current events in the region.

This is not a Travel Guide. It is an anatomy of a cosmopolitan city.The book is about changing Istanbul in last 100 years with most of the emphasis is given to last 50 years when the real change occured. It is about the strugle between secular city view and traditional or Islamic city view for Istanbul. How the mayors tried to give different images to Istanbul based on their political affiliations. How migration from rural areas into cities specifically into istanbul changed the city, it's image and social structure. Although I have my doubts that those who set the policies had the image of the city in mind or if the result was by product of their policies is questionable but two different views constantly reshaped the city.
The scope also extends much broader areas such as Music,fashion and life.

This book is a must for anyone seriously interested in Istanbul. Not a travel guide, this book is a collection of essays by Turkish scholars addressing the cultural and material significance of both the "global-city project" in Istanbul and the influx of migrants from rural Turkey. Keyder's brilliant analyses (he contributes three essays to the collection) are matched by the other contributions, all of which are historically and theoretically grounded. Anyone interested in urban studies, world-cities, the global/local dialectic or Turkey today will benefit from reading this book.

This book is about the early years of Latvia's independence from the communist domination from Moscow. Latvia is a small country, one of the three Baltic republics that were independent in the inter-war period but where taken over by Soviet forces in June of 1940, after Hitler and Stalin secretly devided Eastern Europe between themselves. Baltic nationalism was probably the strongest of all nationalism within the Soviet Union.

The book opens with a brief historical overview of the Latvian situation, and then proceeds to the nation rebirth. Then the author tackles the problem of establishing democracy in a country with only modest democratic heritage. He round off the book by discussing the economic situation, and the problem of demographics and ethnic relations. The empirical part of the book is a little dated, which is not the author's fault--events change very quickly in that part of the world. But all the same problems remain relevant. In particular, the status of Russians in Latvia and relations with Moscow continue to be the most contentious issues in Latvian politics.

Latvia in Transition, by Juris Dreifelds, is an even-handed and readable treatment of the post-Soviet period in Latvia. Dreifelds asserts that in spite of its stumbling blocks and outright failures on the road to democracy, Latvia-along with Estonia and Lithuania-is a model of successful economic, political, and social transition for its fellow states that once submitted to the aegis of Soviet communism. According to Dreifelds, this transition was made easier by several commonalities shared by the three Baltic nations, but not by other former Soviet republics: 1) they each had the advantage of historical precedent, having experienced two decades of independence between the first and second World Wars; 2) their integration into the USSR was never diplomatically recognized by most Western countries, and therefore their break for independence under the auspices of perestroika was more readily supported by the West and tolerated by the Gorbachev administration; and finally, 3) the ties to Baltic expatriates and their active involvement in the independence movements strengthened the new nations. On the other hand, the so-called "Pribaltika" also faced significant impediments, many of which boiled down to ethnic and ideological rifts which were rooted in the period of Soviet hegemony, and thus it was necessary to evolve rather than merely trying to return to the pre-Soviet status quo. Dreifelds posits that "It is clear that post-communist Latvia is not the country of 1939 altered merely by the normal processes of modernization . . . The obstacles in the way of reforms are formidable. The decades-long discontinuity in the sovereignty of Latvia and its incorporation into the USSR precipitated momentous changes and altered the demographic, economic, political and psychological characteristics of the country." (Dreifelds p. 7)

The tight organization proceeds in a logical manner, starting with a historical overview that is at first brief, for the period from pre-history up to initial independence. Dreifelds then begins to narrow his focus during the independence period, the first Soviet occupation, German occupation, and then incorporation into the USSR. In particular, he devotes much discussion to ethnic issues, and how the various regimes differed in their treatment of different racial minorities. He also underscores how the aftermath of Soviet deportation and the holocaust, along with the importation of Russians laborers to work in Latvian industry, was manifest in the decimation of the ethnic Latvian inhabitants, and how they never regained their majority in the overall populace. All of this background is necessary in order to fully appreciate the events surrounding the reassertion of independence and the impacts to the populace of Latvia, both anticipated and unforseen.

The next couple of chapters delve into the "Latvian national rebirth" in the last half of the 1980s and the subsequent reestablishment of independent sovereignty in the early 1990s. In particular, Dreifelds talks about the role of folk-culture and environmental concerns in the "awakening" that nurtured the latent Latvian nationalism until it reached its full flower in the election of the Latvian Supreme Council in May of 1990, and then the election of the Fifth Saeima in 1993. Of particular note is his attention to the ramifications that this nationalism had on the non-Latvians living in Latvia and the resulting ethnic tensions that rose and fell and then rose again during the first few years of independence. These tensions permeated both the Saeima and the general public.

In fact, the theme of ethnic dichotomy between Latvians and Russians is the underlying current throughout the book, and it drives the coverage in the final chapters of the topics of economic reform, demographics and the establishment of a Latvian national identity. Going back to Dreifelds' initial statement that Latvia's incorporation into the USSR "precipitated changes that profoundly affected the characteristics of the country"-the transformation of the populace from an overwhelming majority of Latvians, to almost equal parts Latvian and Russian, with smaller groups of other ethnic minorities, continues to dramatically affect the way that democracy has unfolded in Latvia. The evidence he presents is compelling and convincing. The examples range from the political arena and the power struggles between Latvian nationalist fractions against Russian fractions and their uneasy coalitions, to the economic issues of privatization and employment and entrepreneurship, to the cultural concerns of determining a national language and the ensuing friction between Latvians and Russians because of the Russians' unwillingness to embrace their official tongue. One of his main contentions about racial dynamics is that all ethnic groups in Latvia perceive themselves as minorities.

Finally, the book concluded with a brief examination of some of the problems that Latvia will continue to face as it wrestles to establish a workable government, constitution and economy, and thus gain international respect. Of greatest concern, according to Dreifelds, is the need for Latvia to be constantly vigilant against its large neighbor to the east, and to develop a strong support network in the West of economic, and if necessary, military backing should Russia become aggressive and once again seek to encompass its former Baltic holdings.

This was an enjoyable and informative read. I discerned only a few deficiencies worthy of comment. On a minor note, a glossary of terms, a map of the Baltic region, and a more extensive index would have added greatly to the usability of the book, especially for readers uninitiated in Baltic geography, culture, history and politics. I couldn't help wishing that this book had been written even five years later, and been able to span through the end of the 1990s, discussing more about economic development and cultural issues after the honeymoon glow of independence had completely worn off. Just the same, this book is excellent for students and other readers wishing to gain a focused understanding of Latvian independence and its political, economic and social implications during the brief period from the late 1980s through the mid 1990s, and it provides as well a thoughtful discussion of the lasting effects of Stalinism and communism on modern Latvia.

This book made me plan my 2-weeks summer-vacation in Estonia.

Actually, I love all "Lonely Planet" phasebooks and travel guides. You can't go wrong with them. These are the road warriors in our collection. They are worn, used and helpful! I want to own stock in Lonely Planet!

So you ask, "isn't there a later edition available?" Don't let that stop you. They are using a winning format and when it comes to speaking at least Lithuanian, little has changed (Lithuanian is a really, really, really old language!)

The book is concise and compact (3.5 x 5 x 1/2). It easily fits in any pocket. That is a major selling point. It is the perfect size to take along.

It has an abreviated pronunciation guide compared the single language versions and no dictionary. That comes form having to divide the space between three languages, so it can't go as in depth. Still,all the essentials are here. If you are planning a few days in each place, you'll be fine.

By the way, when you go to the Baltics, look for a copy of the "In Your Pocket Series" available at the airport or in the major hotels. It will be a great help to you. You can also find it online through a simple web search.

This book can be interesting for many categories of people. If you want to read more about Latvia and its people, the oral history in the book will give you a good idea of what Latvians were forced to go through in WWII and the second half of the 20th century. The sometimes heart-wrenching stories are a good supplement to political reviews of the events of the time and give a more accurate view of how Latvians survived WWII and the Soviet occupation. If you want to do a sociological, psychological, or anthropological study, the testimonies of the Latvians provides an interesting backdrop to test and evaluate various academic theories or start a new study. Since I am not a researcher or a student of anthropology, the only criticism I have of the book is that it sometimes dwells a bit too much on academic theory. However, I understand that Ms. Skultane meant this to be an academic work, so I just skipped those bits and still enjoyed the book as a whole.

This book gives such a deep and often painful look at the horrors of the lives of most Latvians who remained in Latvia after World War II. It becomes easy to understand the bitterness some Latvians still feel towards thosee who stole the land from them. It shows how a small country, torn apart century after century by their bigger and more powerful neighbors, by internal conflicts, by exile, famine and horrors beyond the grasp of most civilized people, continue to to dream and work for independance.

The fact that there still is a Latvia and Latvians is most amazing, even to a Latvian. The horrors of the past must never be forgotten, we must learn from them and work to never allow such atrocities to be tolerated again.

Ms. Skultans writes so eloquently, grasping and sharing with the reader a deep understanding of a culture fighting for survival.

This is a book that should be read by anyone studying anthropology, sociology, psychology, history or humanities. It is also a must read for all displaced peoples and their offspring or anyone searching for understanding of the full range of behavior humans are capable of.

For a mroe complete picture of the full effects of war, with the Testimony of Lives, I recomend also reading, "DPs Europes Displaced Persons 1945-1951" by Mark Wyman who shows the horrors of the "lucky" who escaped.

This text is now a bit dated: it does not cover the tumultuous events of the 90s. This book, nevertheless, covers what took place earlier in the 20th century with great depth and balance. Jelavich's book is for any person who wants a serious look into the history of the Balkans. Such knowledge is a must and a primer for a true understanding of the "balkanization" of the Balkans in the 1990s. If you want a quick, light read, this book in NOT for you. This book is at times heavy and hard, but is worth the effort.

cao! I would like to found more about Author s biography Thanks advance Boban Barbare

The scope of Jelavich's second volume of her "History of the Balkans" actually covers the last several decades of the nineteenth century and ends with the early 1980s, when it was published. No updated editions were ever published. This unfortunately makes an otherwise exemplary historiographical work somewhat dated. Jelavich's analysis of events and developments in the communist Romania, Albania and Bulgaria, as well as Greece is, however, a good summary of the history of these countries from 1945 to the early 1980s. Where the book is obviously dated is in its coverage of the former Yugoslavia: in her conclusions, the author implies a generally positive course for this country based on its relative successes until then in economic and overall social development. Nonetheless, her examination of socialist Yugoslavia does provide a view into the country's flaws, which would eventually lead to its violent collapse in 1991. Jelavich's treatment of the late 19th century, the two World Wars and the interwar is comprehensive and very informative; the author's vast knowledge of numerous primary sources and the extensive secondary literature on this region comes to the fore here. Although Jelavich's strength is her knowledge of political and diplomatic history, she provides a strong analysis of the region's underlying economic problems (which in all countries considered is the relative technological backwardness). The only weakness of this volume is the short-shrift given to cultural/social issues - thus, very little is said about literary and artistic activity, or the effects of the vast social change in Western Europe and the U.S. on the various Balkan countries. Her overall conclusion is obviously a bit dated since all of the communist regimes have since fallen. Nevertheless, this is an excellent integrated history which is broken down into logical chronological and geopolitical sections, making it also useful as a reference work.