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I am biased, but so is this book

An Erudite Compilation

Could Have Been BetterSince there is so little on this subject, for aficionados of esoteric cold war conflicts, this is almost a must-read. Hopefully someone will take up the mantle and write a volume on the people of the Baltic diaspora that helped these isolated legations maintain the embers of repressed nationalism.


Lit crit about Serbia

Worthwhile but not comprehensive.

Rick is Better on PBS.
..., its an utter waste of money.
Concise and perfect

AbsurdThe most tiresome thing is the petty Putin "KGB spy" scaremongering. It is time to move on, Martin.
Amazing.His perspective is typically British - "Everyone is rubbish but us". His hated Russia has made Space Stations, sent men into space, built modern fighter aircraft and has an excellent educational system, none of which the UK can claim as achievements. Internet use is far more common and widespread in Russia than the UK - because the UK has rotting 1940s phone lines and massively overpriced phone billing. In Moscow, trains run on time. In London, trains occasionally run on time. Unlike the UK, Russia has a democratically elected Head of State. Russia may be behind the UK in the world of Fast Food, Punk Rock and Football Hooligans, but it is far ahead in other areas.
An excellent book for an informed mind!

Too subjective to be a history bookBut if you read the book with this in mind, actually the personal explanations of the sultans are fun to read. I learned some personal details about Abdul Hamid which I did not know for example.
But I would not suggest this book as a means to get historical information.
A couple thoughts on the SultansI did not enjoy reading Noel Barber and used most of my research on Süleyman I in other books. I recommend looking at (1) Shaw Stadford's History of the Ottoman Empire & Modern Turkey Volume 1: Empire of the Gazis and (2) Jason Goodwin's Lords of the Horizons: A History of the Ottoman Empire. I give the book two stars because it did not impress very much. It was very a boring book and in a period of twenty-five years there have been many discoveries on the Ottoman Empire that this book is lacking. It is just a great book to full up space at a library.
Who is Süleyman I (if you do not know)? Süleyman I, the sultan of the Ottoman Empire was admired and feared by Europeans as "the Magnificent," and the Turkish people called the "Lawgiver." During his reign, he added to the empire of Hungary, Transylvania, Tripoli, Algiers, Iraq, Rhodes, eastern Anatolia, parts of Georgia, Aegean Islands, Belgrade and Crebe.
Great BookWhat made this book so enjoyable is the writing, a history written like a spy novel. Noel Barber can run the gamut from very dry (very british humor) to pulse pounding murder mystery, to war room of analysis of battlefield tactics, insight into the desceptive world of diplomacy and yet still very reverently accounts greek, armenian and turkish massacres. This follows the Ottman empire from the height of its powers under Suleiman the Magnificient to the Turkey's final emanicipator Kamal Attaturk. Each sultan is given a mini-biography, filled with "Ripley's believe it or not"-like facts, designed to amaze and yet all are true, yet three sultans are studied in detail and to great effect, evoking, emotions from awe to pity, Suleiman the Magnificent, Abdul Hamid II and Kamal Attaturk. Napoleon, Lord Nelson, Churchill, Queen Elizabeth I, Henry VIII, Benjamin Disreali, Queen Victoria and Czar Nicolas all make cameo appearances. It reads more like a novel than a history and yet it is astoundingly accurate. Not only is it a history of the turks, because the Ottomans controlled so much of the muslim world for nearly 500 years, it is also a history of the muslim world and really endlessly fascinating, but what Noel Barber excellently does is tell the private and public lives and struggles of each of the sultans and how that related to the world at the time. This book could have been much more been haughtily named, "The Decline and Fall of the Ottoman Empire," and it would have been equally accurate. But ultimately what makes this a great book is Barber's storytelling that makes the sultans charactures and yet fully realised humans at the same time.


Who wants to reintroduce a "Macedonian question"?-----------------------------------------------------------
In less then a year time span, the academic world was offered two accounts of the so-called Macedonian Question. First, in 1999, James Pettifer edited The New Macedonian Question, and then, in 2000, Victor Roudometof presented his The Macedonian Question. Both books were compiled by visiting professors at academic institutions based in Thessaloniki, Greece, Petiffer at the Institute of Balkan Studies, Roudometof at American College Of Thessaloniki. Given the political situation in the Southern Balkans, this fact raises the question about who wants to reintroduce a "Macedonian question" in the academic and indirectly, in the policy making world, and in whose interest this might be. An informed observer would immediately notice that both monographs are biased in the selection of essays and themes covered. Roudometof, for example, writing a book concerning Macedonia, does not include a single contribution from authors originating from Republic of Macedonia, while Petiffer has two reprints of articles and only one new piece written by a Macedonian sociologist. In any case let's turn our attention to the latest of the two books, The Macedonian Question.
In the introduction of the book Roudometof provides the background to the current state of affairs (p.2), briefly describing the reemergence of the Macedonian question in Balkan politics. Unfortunately, he does this with many inaccuracies and a Greek bias. An early sign of this bias is the editor's usage of the acronym "FYROM" instead of Republic of Macedonia. Given that the reference FYROM is to be used in official UN documents, and the book discussed is obviously not being a part of the UN system, then it is clear that the author himself have decided to use the acronym, instead of the name of the country chosen by itself, Republika Makedonija or Republic of Macedonia in English. Furthermore, the author very early in the introduction poses a link between Macedonia and Kosovo claiming that ^Óover the last two decades the persisting internal political conflict between Albanians and Macedonians has carried with it the seeds of civil unrest and possibly civil war and then asserts that the possibility of limited autonomy or independence for the Kosovo Albanians (including the option of unification with the Albanian state) could set a precedent for FYROM's own Albanian population. (p.2, 3) Doing so, the author proposes that there is a deep enmity among the Macedonians and Macedonian Albanians (two decades of conflict, civil war,) ignores the facts that Serbia's policies in Kosovo have nothing in common with Macedonia's political arrangements and internal party relations, the first being autocratic and exclusionist, the second one being based on democratic principles and ethnic moderation. Further on, Roudometof explains that in the early 1990's the latest twist in the Macedonian Question occurred, as a direct consequence of the disintegration of the second Yugoslavia.(p.3) The reader is puzzled what is the "Macedonian Question" and consequently how long has it lasted (why is it now that the latest twist occurred)? Indeed nowhere in the introduction Roudometof, answers "what is it about", and 'why it is a question' (Macedonian). Posing Macedonia as a "question" is rather different then talking about the contemporary issues concerning Macedonia. Problematizing Macedonia's identity has been long lasting Greek, Bulgarian, and Serbian strategy. Ever since Macedonia was partitioned by the three in the Balkan Wars 1912/1913, its majority Macedonian native population has been object of fierce assimilation policies aimed at questioning, destroying and/or modifying the Macedonian identity into Greek, Bulgarian, and Serbian. Even today, Macedonian national identity is denied by the Greek and Bulgarian official circles not only in Pirin and Aegean Macedonia which are under their jurisdiction and where only small fragments of Macedonian minority still openly declare their Macedonianess, but also in relation to the Macedonians from Republic of Macedonia itself. Sadly, enough in the introduction Roudometof indicates that he has taken this view. For example, he writes the central contemporary controversy concerns the manner in which Bulgarians, Greeks and Macedonians view and interpret Macedonian identity. In particular, conflict centers on the premise that the Slavs of Macedonia [sic] constitute a distinct nation, the Macedonian nation and further on, ..human rights advocates in Bulgaria and Greece have suggested the existence of Macedonian minorities in both states. Thus, the author leaves open the question of the existence of Macedonian nation both in Republic of Macedonia and in Greece and Bulgaria, for why else he would write that there are reports that suggest existence, and that the conflict is over the premise that there is a Macedonian nation. Macedonians as distinct people are a fact which gives difficult times to Sofia and Athens, but why does it make Roudometof uncertain is hard to grasp. In fact, later on in the text the author states that Western academia discovered Macedonians as ethnic group in Canada and Australia, which has led to a debate about the status of the Macedonian "ethnicity" before 1945. He then goes to say that this is far from an academic issue and that at stake is the very distinctiveness of the Macedonians as a separate people, and this in turn is closely associated with their claim [italics mine] to form the Macedonian nation (p.12). At the last page of the brief introduction Roudometof appears prophetic stating as a final note I would like to add that the saga of the Macedonian Question is far from over (p.18). His last words on the matter hint in what kind of direction the book will aim: since the central theme of the Macedonian Question is the social construction of national homogeneity and identity, the historical social sciences can and should contribute to the production of relevant knowledge (p.18).
Loring Danforth's piece is exactly concerned with the question of social construction of identity. Danforth underlines the importance of social upbringing and personal histories for the construction of national identities. Once the members of a single ethnic group originating from northwestern Aegean Macedonia moved into Australia they manifested conflicting national identities. For these people the church served as a significant marker of national identity and they established three different National churches in Melbourne, Australia. Greek state policies vis-à-vis this ethnic group and different interpretation of the local history permeates the feelings and actions of the immigrants. Anastasia Karakasidou's essay strikes a similar note to the one written by Danforth. Karakasidou meticulously analyses the process of assimilation or acculturation of the indigenous population of Northwest Aegean Macedonia into the Greek cultural realm. Karakasidou's evidence that, among the population of the region, Greeks were a substantial minority at the time of the incorporation of this area to the Greek state is perplexing. So is the Greek official terminology for the local Slavo-Macedonians used at the time:
"Voulgharophrones, fanatic Bulgarians, Schismatics, Patriarchists," etc., despite the fact that the bulk of the people who spoke Slavic (i.e. Macedonian dialects) called themselves Macedonians (p.64). As the study shows, these Macedonians, through emigration, forced deportation, refugee resettlement of Asia Minor Greeks, repression, violence and voluntary assimilation have nowadays become a minority population of North Greece(Aegean Macedonia). Especially gruesome is the cited story in which a Greek policeman becomes angry at a Macedonian farmer, who accidentally cursed a recalcitrant ox in his own language rather then Greek, and extinguishes a burning cigarette on the farmer's tongue. Unfortunately enough, the repression of Macedonian language and identity is still part of Greek politics and therefore, to assess the share of the Macedonian population in this country is very intricate. As a final note, I should mention that Karakasidou's study suffers from an unexpected imprecision, as she refers to works that are not mentioned in the list of references. (Her work referred to on pages 58, 61, 65, as well as Danforth's reference on page 84).
Basil Gounaris and Iakovos Mihailidis' "The Pen and the Sword" critically analyses the interplay between politics and historiography. Trying to debunk political agendas by historians writing on the topic of Macedonia the authors point out to a very important detail, a not surprising statement for experienced
analysts of Balkan history, but often overseen by partisan historians and policy makers: "Until the early 1960's few of those who wrote about Macedonia, in the Balkans or in Western Europe, were academics, and even fewer if any at all were professional histo
Greek Denial of the Macedonian NameTwo things to remember:
1. It is ironic that Greeks now "love Macedonia" when they tried to eradicate its very existence.
2. If Macedonia has always been Greek, why did the Greek government deny its existence until the 1980's?


gods? what gods?
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Winnifruth may be a good historian, by this I mean the ability to gather lots of information, but his writing is style is confusing. The chapters are broken down in to time periods, but he will jump ahead to vaildate a point which can be very confusing and names and facts are crammed all together. His main anchor for ethnicity is language, but most of his ideas are assumptions and rules can change when he chooses. One case in point is that if Greek writing is found in ruins located in modern Albania then the people must have been Greek, but it is never taken into account that Greek was the written language at the time and it makes sense that the Greek alphabet would be used. At one point he mentions the Chams of Greece (He calls them by the Greek Tsam). They are labeled as Albanian speaking Muslims. If language is his guide these people are Albanian not Albanian speaking. Another point is the Arvanit community in Greece that is associated as being Greek, but only spoke Albanian a hundred years ago. Here language does not show what the comminuty sees itself as. Another point is the assumption of ethnicity of historical figures by their name and even thinking they are pure in their background. Names mean nothing and are written according to what a writer feels sound better. Mary was orginally Meriam, John Cabot was born Giovanni Cabato. So names me very little. Skenderbeg has the following names... Gjergj Kastrioti (alb), Jorgos Kastriotis (grk), Giorgio Castrioti (Ita). All depends on who is doing the writing.
I do get the feeling that he is less that loving towards Albanians and very much enamored with Vlach/Hellenic culture. Best part of this book is it's a book and all sources must be read to better understand a subject. And I give him credit for having tried to be unbias, but it does show. There are points where he tries to be fair and steps away from some of the insane biased statements out there